Colombia: complexities of the National Agrarian strike

18/08/2013
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Three lists of demands have been presented as the basis of the National Agrarian Strike set for August 19, 2013. One is signed by the "dignitaries": those of coffee, rice, potatoes, cacao and organizations “defending national production". Another is signed by the National Agrarian Coordinator (CNA) and one more is presented by the National Agricultural and Livestock Roundtable for Interlocution and Agreements (MIA National) 1.
 
It would have been ideal to present one unified set of demands, with an agreement on popular mobilization. Nevertheless, the political mindset behind each of these petitions did not allow for a more coordinated and forceful mass action from the point of view of claims and policy.
 
While the "dignitaries" qualified the action as a "National Coffee, Agriculture and Livestock Mobilization", the other two organizing groups called it a "National Agrarian and Popular Strike."
 
This diversity of proposals leads us to elaborate a brief analysis of the regional and class composition of agrarian and campesino struggles that are in full swing in Colombia, and at the same time, to attempt to understand, in the light of this diversity, the political proposals that are at stake within the greater left.
 
Each proposal represents the organizational work and the influence of different political sectors in various regions of the country among agricultural and livestock producers, campesinos and settlers who are, at the same time, indigenous, people of African descent, mestizos and "whites", and who have diverse regional developments, histories and interests.
 
The "dignitaries" represent the interests of producers of coffee, cacao, potatoes, rice, sugar, cotton and livestock from different regions. Their proposals are put forward in terms of the "defence of national production" and do not touch on the issue of land tenure. Other interests of the poor campesinos -- who form a majority of agricultural and livestock producers -- are not represented in these proposals. Moreover, it should be recalled that in negotiations with the government during the recent coffee producers’ strike, priority was given to the question of prices, that was of benefit above all to the medium and large coffee producers.
 
In the organizing process of the "dignitaries" the tactics involve an "alliance with the national bourgeoisie". Because of this, since the foundation of the "Unidad Cafetera" and later the "Movimiento de Salvación Agropecuaria", the theme of land tenure has been completely sidelined in their proposals. Hence the leaders of the "dignitaries" made no effort to coordinate the strike and proposals with the other two sectors that will mobilize as of the 19th of August, who have as their main concern the concentration and grabbing of land.
 
It is obvious that the theme of "national sovereignty" is the priority within this political strategy. The interests of the rural businessmen, of wealthy and medium-income farmers take first place, as is expressed in their proposal. In this vision of things, to incorporate questions such as the concentration of land ownership and other aspects of the agrarian struggle, of interest to poor campesinos and settlers, is not convenient. It is a question of bringing together those sectors that reject the policies of surrender of national sovereignty and the subordination of national interests to foreign imperial interests.
 
We have to take into account that the poor campesinos, who have an average of one hectare or less, are also agricultural and livestock producers. But the majority of them are semi-proletarians, who live for the most part on their daily wage, on "moonlighting", trade and other combined activities. Many of them send their children, outside of the harvest season, to work in the newly settled areas, as day-labourers in coca-producing, or to undertake parallel activities such as driving moto-taxis. They have the same problems as do the large and medium producers, but in addition they have to put up with other problems related to the monopoly of land ownership, the lack of technical assistance and credit, disadvantages in commercialization and transport, and other problems related to the established production model.
 
These poor campesinos have subsisted -- and have spread and increased in numbers -- in the marginal zones of the coffee-growing area and in new coffee-growing departments such as Hila, Caquetá, Cauca, Nariño, the south of Tolima and Putumayo. They have been able to do this because they subsidize the production of coffee and other products such as sugar and small livestock, with family labour, by having other incomes from salaried labour in the countryside or in the cities. This class of the campesinado now has one foot in urban centres and the other in rural areas. Many young people find work in building, black market commerce and moto-taxis. This is a new kind of semi-prolateriat.
 
It is important to note that this majority of the poor coffee-growing campesinos are the central factor in this second strike. The majority are not registered in the National Federation of Coffee Growers, they have no part in the formal trade of the organization and because of this they cannot plug into the subsidies (PIC: Protection of Income from Coffee) agreed with the government. Because of this, they have exerted pressure on their leaders to launch this new mobilization which has been extended to other productive sectors that have the same problems, due to both governmental inaction and to the negative effects of the implementation of neoliberal policies such as the FTAs.
 
On the other hand, the organizational work of the National Agrarian Coordinator (CNA) and of the National Table of Interlocution and Agreement (MIA) have arisen principally in areas that until recently were areas of colonization. In these areas the small and medium campesinos have been able to capitalize on the coca economy and establish farms that can be integrated into the formal economy. These campesino sectors have been established in regions such as the western Nariño and western Cauca, south and east of Huila, Putumayo, Caquetá, Meta, Catatumbo, Arauca, Guaviare and other departments. Along with the coca-producing campesinos there are an important group of "raspachines" (rural day labourers or proletarians) who, to a great extent, constitute the principal force of mobilizations and protests (as could be seen in the recent strike in Catatumbo).
 
These middle-range campesinos (and some who are already wealthy) are interested in legalizing their farms, and because of this the proposal of zones of campesino reserves is attractive to them. Here, while the primary goal is the substitution of coca cultivation, they are interested in the State coming to these zones with infrastructural projects and public services (roads, electrification, drinking water, education, health care, etc.). These are regions where traditionally there was a strong guerrilla presence, exercising de facto the functions of the state, regulating social relations and guaranteeing public order.
 
It is obvious that the list of demands of the MIA is very carefully designed. It contains elements that are of interest to agricultural and livestock producers such as the need for sustainable prices for their production, but above all it represents the interests of settlers and poor campesinos. There is here a vision of rural development based on the work of the small producer, which runs counter to the agro-export model that has been imposed on the country. This agro-export model places the poor and medium campesino not as a grower of food products but as a "subordinate "member" of the large productive projects oriented to exportation.
 
Another group is that of indigenous communities, who have their own demands. At this time it does not appear that indigenous communities will in fact take part in the National Agrarian Strike. In spite of the fact that the State and the government have not fulfilled their agreements, it appears that for now the organizations that represent indigenous peoples do not see the Strike’s goals as clear, and given that their priorities do not include the question of production, they do not see it as a means to put forward their demands related to the defence of their autonomy and a dignified life in their territories.
 
The situation is highly complex. It is foreseeable that the participation of coffee growers of the traditional Eje Cafetero will not be massive. The pressure will be most effective in the Colombian southwest. The capacity both of the "dignitaries" and of other campesino and agrarian organizations to mobilize their forces remains to be seen.
 
As they have not coordinated their demands or their forms of struggle, there is a risk of creating conflict situations. Internal struggles may arise to impose contrary dynamics, or worse, this division and lack of coordination may lead to a situation in which the government uses these circumstances to promote its own agenda. There is a possibility of acts of violence (such as burning vehicles) as happened with the small miners' strike, which tends to undermine the support of the urban populations.
 
Unequal and combined economic development in the different Colombian regions creates conditions in which these phenomena can occur. It is clear that the complex dynamic of the class struggle will lead to a situation in which the objective of "national sovereignty" is complemented by popular demands that are at the centre of today's concerns. It is worth recalling that while in Havana the government is accepting a package of policies for "integral rural development", at the same time it is seeking approval for legislation to legalize land-grabbing and the "foreign occupation of land."
 
Given these circumstances, it is extremely important for those in charge of these organizing efforts, in the midst of the struggle and as the process continues, to join their efforts to coordinate and present a unified front of struggle to the government. This would be a step forward of historic significance.
(Translation for Alai by Jordan Bishop)
 
Popayán, August 16 2013.
 
1) See the lists of demands on the following websites:
List of the “dignitaries”:
 
List of the CNA:
 
List of the National Agricultural and Livestock Roundtable for Interlocution and Agreements - MIA:
 
https://www.alainet.org/en/active/66539?language=es

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