Mumbai, WSF, and Our Futures
10/02/2004
- Opinión
WSF 4 in Mumbai was a quite different experience than prior Porto
Alegre WSFs. In many respects it was better organized. Women were
far more visible, empowered, and empowering - often providing the
most important as well as the best presented material. The attendee
composition altered dramatically from being overwhelmingly South
American with a significant U.S. and European presence, to being
overwhelmingly Asian with a significant African and some U.S. and
European presence.
Whereas the city of Porto Alegre was a well off, small, left-
administered welcoming host in a left-administered welcoming
Brazilian state -- Mumbai was the indifferent massive financial
center of an indifferent right-leaning India. The pervasive poverty
of Mumbai's streets exceeded anything I had seen before. The mammoth
Mumbai bustle transcended other bustle I'd seen, as well. It feels
misleading to use the same term "diversity," to describe what was
present in Mumbai and to also describe Western cultural variety.
Diversity in India, and apparently in Asia more broadly, is truly
diverse.
My knowledge of India is less than minuscule. I went there to learn
and I am not even sure I managed to do that. But two aspects
particularly confused me.
The slums are enormous and horrendously poor. Everyone knows that,
and we also broadly understand poverty's imperial and corporate and
caste sources. Seeing the hunger is different than just "knowing
it," but even beyond that, what struck me is that despite the
evident magnitude of suffering, the usual tension, anger, and rage
that characterize slums in the U.S. seemed absent.
Something in India leads those stretching their hands up from the
gutters for a pittance to feed a family, or those working the
corridors of five star hotels (that are barely as ritzy as small
Holiday Inns in the U.S.), or those sitting outside shanties
watching the relatively well off stroll past, to not exude hostility
and anger and even knife-edge violence. I was told that theft from
tourists is minimal and my meager experience around the city
suggested the claim was true. The slums aren't policed that I could
see and even at the interfaces between destitute and wealthy, the
police presence seemed less numerous and less fearsome than in the
U.S.
Supposing that I was seeing even reasonably clearly, I would imagine
the cause of the relative quiescence is religion, and in particular
the caste system. On the one hand, I felt like this relative
peacefulness probably made life at the bottom in India far less
horrible than if everyone also constantly feared passers-by on every
street, and if many suffered drug addicted or incarcerated or
murdered relatives, as in many regions of the U.S. On the other
hand, I felt like an age-old question - "why don't hungry people
steal?" - was even more relevant here in India, with its hundreds of
millions of desperately poor, than it is relevant, say, in the U.S.,
with thirty million below the poverty line.
At last year's WSF, Arundhati Roy worried that to have the events in
India would enable India's fundamentalist Hindu elites to put a
pretty face on the society, aiding their attempts to rise to
horrific domination. After WSF 4, I haven't heard any comment on
this possibility. But I fear that Roy may have been right.
Roy herself, and a few others from India, and some folks from
outside as well, quite courageously conveyed to the WSF attendees,
as best they could in the time allotted, a picture of Hindu
fundamentalism engorging its appetites with little restraint. They
weren't tossing around epithets like "fascist" and "fundamentalist"
lightly, as many in the U.S. do when referring to Bush. They knew
what the words imply, and they used them knowingly, describing the
thugs seeking to rise to ultimate power as willing, able, and
already quite practiced at ripping the innards out of people -
mostly Muslims -- for street sport as well as political gain.
They described still localized but rising Nazi German violence
levels, though without the concentration camps, as yet. The young
child who watched in the streets of Gujarat as his Hindu school
teacher killed his Muslim father. The mass rapes, the murders, the
body limbs torn off and body organs mutilated, the slow but steady
escalation toward the hell that is real fascism, was the image I got
from speakers who I very much trusted.
At the same time, however, I could not myself feel anything like
this in the streets of Mumbai or Pune, a nearby city we also
visited. There was nothing in the behavior or the words of the
potential victims or of the potential purveyors who I encountered
that gave away feelings that they were afraid that they would soon
be victim or victimizer in a burgeoning massacre. And so this was
the second big aspect of India I could not comprehend.
People I met were not thinking of leaving the country, or of
security in any sense. And on the streets, people were not
displaying the macho brown shirt style or the savvy fear that you
might anticipate in a run-up toward fascism. Yet, even against my
own senses, I believed Roy and others who described what they
thought was coming. I suspect that the massive celebrations of
diversity and hope within the Mumbai WSF events left very few people
going home to the West wondering, as I was, if they would soon be
opening their homes to people fleeing an India that had gone
berserk.
But what of the WSF itself?
The fact that it was teeming with attendees and speakers, becoming a
kind of progressive self-contained universe, was nothing new. That
many more people were marching and celebrating outside speakers'
venues than were attending the speaking events themselves was new,
however. It apparently owed in part to poor translation facilities.
If you came from parts of India that didn't leave you fluent in
English or Hindi, you were at a loss to understand many talks being
given. But I suspect people not attending talks had another reason
as well. As with other WSFs most of the presentations were about how
bad globalization, capitalism, patriarchy, racism, and caste
relations, not to mention Hindu fundamentalism, are. The people
parading all day outside the talks knew all this without having to
hear it. Does it really make any sense to get up on a stage and talk
about the ills of poverty and of indignity in a city like this -
where walking five minutes in any direction outside the gates of our
event offers incontrovertible evidence of the claims -- evidence so
powerful, so humbling, so sickening, and so overwhelming, that no
speaker could possibly expand on its message?
That said, this WSF marked a continuing evolution of the forum
process in desirable directions. The slogan "another world is
possible" has now become so central and ubiquitous that it begins to
grate a bit in its constant repetition. But, on the plus side, the
constant repetition is provoking further elaboration. People are
taking the slogan beyond assertion to description. The WSF has been
propelling a mood receptive to vision and is now getting serious
about pursuing vision directly. To not only assert another world's
possibility, but to also describe its main features will be very
much to the good. And the same is true for the WSF's continuing
impetus toward causing diverse and even mutually hostile elements to
civilly attend to each others words. This too is good.
Two central tensions of the WSF still exist, however. First, the WSF
has been a venue for information exchange. When you do that over and
over, with the information remaining mostly familiar...you start to
atrophy. Taking the event to a new continent means reaching new
audiences so that old substance is rejuvenated by reaching new
listeners. But many people want more than that. They feel that with
a burgeoning momentum of connections and commitments spanning the
world, there ought to be a program that the WSF adopts, furthers,
and wins. What about the WSF programmatically addressing war, say -
or corporate globalization, or the trends in India, for that matter,
or even something narrower such as boycotting particular firms
engaged in especially horrible practice.
The response from what I think is probably a large majority of WSF
organizers is that the WSF and the forum process more broadly isn't
about itself becoming a new programmatic organization, or even about
itself congealing a movement of movements, but is about creating a
mechanism for all those who themselves might wish to do those things
to interact with one another and learn from one another and create
ties and then act as they deem desirable.
The WSF achieves that necessary and desirable communicative goal,
its defenders say, so why risk ruining it? The venue is so wide in
its participants that it is folly to think they could all work
together as a united organization with a single shared program.
Social democrats, Leninists, anarchists, feminists, and all kinds of
local groups can't be welded into united activism just by decreeing
the WSF to be a new International. Rather, with the WSF as a
communicative venue, its defenders say, we have a local, regional,
national, continental, and world vehicle to assist those who want to
construct viable and worthy cross-border alliances and movements of
movements. Let the participants get on with those tasks, but let
them construct their new mechanisms beyond the WSF, by all means.
I think this formulation is reasonable. The forum process shouldn't
try to become what it is too broad to sensibly attain and it should
persist in what it does well. Yet, the fact remains, the glue that
has held the forum process together and the innovation that has
given it momentum, are beginning to lose their gloss. Something
needs to be upgraded or renovated or added to provide new momentum,
even while carefully avoiding risking what is still working well.
What about this as a possibility? The Social Forum process, at every
level, is about information exchange. One big improvement would be
if the information exchanged, especially that which is highlighted
and emphasized in the most major and best promoted sessions, swung
more toward issues of vision, strategy, and practical lessons from
what people are doing, and away from descriptions of oppression and
analyses of oppression's all too familiar systemic roots. But even
this reorienting of focus, as positive as it would be, would still
leave us with a gigantic apparatus being used only to talk, dance,
sing, and otherwise experience one another's views and styles, and
to do so only for a few days each year. Can't the WSF apparatus do
something that is more sustained, without pulling apart inwardly?
Well, if the purpose of the WSF is to debate, assess, and help
people utilize information - why can't the forum movement try to
facilitate worthy and inspiring information flow all the time, and
not only during the events? Why can't it put its weight behind
aggressively supporting alternative media, on the one hand - and
behind aggressively assaulting mainstream media, on the other hand?
No one related to the WSF process, I think, would balk at either of
these agenda items as being somehow contrary to their local beliefs
or priorities. It so, then why can't the WSF help organize into
existence an international movement working on behalf of enlarging
alternative media on the one hand, and of coercing better content
from mainstream media on the other hand?
In this sense the WSF could undertake to help build a new
international activist offensive on a scale like that of the anti-
corporate globalization movement, but now with targets all over
every country, including mainstream TV, radio, and print media
outlets worldwide. The effort would have an activist, "raise the
social costs until you meet our demands" component. And the effort
would have "a positive build a better world" in our own media
component, as well.
The only ideology this media movement would need is that truth in
media is better than lies in media and that media concern for the
well being of billions is better than media concern for the well
being of thousands and that media in the hands of the people is
better than media in the hands of corporate behemoths. And this
ideology could be adopted without violating or even transcending the
WSF's current definition - which is to facilitate honest,
respectful, progressive, information exchange. A WSF media focus
might provide excitement and momentum sufficient to rejuvenate and
galvanize the forum process, as well as providing an immensely
valuable contribution to movements worldwide.
The second major tension dogging the WSF has revolved around
internally living up to its own values. We want transparency,
democracy, participation, even participatory democracy in the world
around us. But these qualities don't exist regarding the WSF's own
operations and that creates an abiding tension, not to mention
ensuring that the developing structure has embedded at its core
failed techniques which will, in time, fail again. What can we do?
This is a very nearly intractable problem, as the defenders of what
has been done until now implicitly claim. The fact is, we don't have
massive movements in country after country that are themselves
participatory and accountable, so how can we possibly generate
something international that is way better on these counts? It is a
fair question. And what has been done to date, when one remembers
this context and question, though far from optimal hasn't been as
horrendous as it could have been.
My own inclination, nonetheless, is to feel that having an
international decision making council composed of people who are
largely unaccountable and even unknown to anyone outside the
convened room, and above which council there operate even smaller
groups with still more power and still less transparency and
accountability - however, understandable, is not a recipe for
lasting and even accelerating success. But would reforming this
international council apparatus by requiring that everyone involved
be openly known, and be accountable to large constituencies, and
operate with final say instead of being subordinate to still smaller
and even less accountable groups - solve the problem? It would help
a lot, that's true. But is it a possible goal in our current
international situation? Are there are a sufficient and diverse
enough array of constituency-based progressive organizations to
produce recallable, accountable representatives to such an
international council? More, even if it could be done, would it be
enough?
As another possibility to consider - perhaps in parallel - what if
we the Social Forum process began to see itself as the fledgling
infrastructure of an experiment not only in international
communication, but also in participatory democracy? Can we envision
social forums forming locally in cities and villages all over the
planet? I am told there are a hundred in Italy. Imagine that density
of per capita local forums, and even four or five times that level
world wide.
Could this wide spectrum of local forums become a layer from which
are chosen bodies of, say, from 100 to perhaps 1000 recallable
representatives, for each country, who would be the accountable,
recallable, decision body for that country's Social Forum? And could
the country-wide forums then choose, even if by imperfect means,
accountable and recallable decision bodies for regional events? And
so on. It isn't hard to imagine all kinds of interesting
options...once the broad idea of having the social forum structure
be generated bottom up from local forums, rather than hanging top
down from a yearly central forum.
I suspect that many other problems of the forums - such as having
the same speakers repeatedly, overemphasizing analyses of ills and
underemphasizing reports and lessons of activism and ideas for
vision and strategy, unbalanced gender and geographic
representation, and financial difficulties for attendees made bitter
by bonuses for the notables, might evaporate were this kind of
dynamism and exemplary participation developed. I also suspect many
new innovations and exciting elaborations would percolate upward
from the people who daily engage in the activities that make the
forum possible. This would all be hard to do, of course. But at some
point, don't we have to move from talking about people having a real
say to people in fact having a real say?
ZNet (http://www.zmag.org).
https://www.alainet.org/en/articulo/109404
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