The Latin American continent is still in the spotlight of social and political debate.  In this extensive geographic area, frequently assailed by dictatorships and the exploitation of its large majorities, as well as by racism and machismo, there is still an intense struggle for the construction of processes of transformation that have to do with the hope and determination to create more just and equitable societies that are alternatives to the dominant unjust model.

Neoliberalism, as the absolutist system of domination by the minorities who have grown rich on the backs of the great majorities, took its first steps in this continent as from the dictatorship of Pinochet in Chile. But this same neoliberalism also suffered its first defeats in Latin America. At the beginnings of the twenty-first century, a phase opened up of experiences of transformation in many of these countries that have obtained, among other successes, at least a partial regression of market dictatorship, retrieving the leading role of the State in the economy and bringing millions of people out of poverty and destitution, in addition to broadening the margins of participative democracy.

Consequently, from the first steps of these alternatives of transformation, neoliberalism has developed different strategies to reverse these processes and return to power: economic sabotage, social destabilization, campaigns of defamation and even coups d'état. We already know that democracy for this system (for markets) is good only when it serves its interests, otherwise it is changed and prostituted. The most obvious proofs of this affirmation are found, once more, in this continent: 2002, coup d'état in Venezuela (failed), 2008 in Bolivia (failed), 2009 in Honduras, 2012 in Paraguay, 2016 in Brazil.

In this context the return of neoliberalism in recent times has produced some revealing facts about this new reality that we face in the Latin American continent. The intent to destroy, through a new modality of a "soft" coup d'état, (via "impeachment" or a parliamentary trial), any political and social process that, with successes and errors, has in the last few years brought millions (40) of people out of poverty and has established other social measures that gave priority to the welfare of the majority. Although it is true that Brazil, along with other countries of the continent, has never completely freed itself from the dictatorship of the markets nor from extractivist policies, we are now seeing the revenge of the old and new oligarchies. These still believe that the State is a private reserve at the unique service of the increase of their wealth and for the benefit of transnational markets. Thus a Congress and a Senate, in which the majority of members are under investigation or imputed with corruption, have overthrown a president who won the last elections with the support of over 54 million voters. And while this happens, the western governments, "preoccupied about democracy" in Venezuela, have said nothing about this coup d'état or, in the words of the US (government), they "respect" the decision of the Brazilian Senate considering that it is a decision of the people taken within a constitutional framework; and they hasten to indicate their willingness to work with the new coup-mongering president. The first measures: budgetary fiscal adjustment, massive privatizations and cuts in social spending.

This latest coup thus adds to the process of neoliberalism to recover its dominant role in the continent. And in this sense we should understand the continued destabilization and attrition against the (previous) Argentine government that led to the electoral victory of Mauricio Macri. Three facts: the battery of neoliberal macroeconomic measures implemented during the first six months of government have resulted in more than 1.4 million additional people living in poverty; they increased from 29% to 34,5 % just in the three first months of 2016. In the realm of labour, more than 150.000 workers were sacked in the public and private sectors.  And finally, these neoliberal measures have led to renewed extractivist policies (often in indigenous territories with repression of protest), along with important cuts in the programmes of previous Argentine governments in health-care, education or attention to the most needy families to guarantee their basic subsistence.

As for Venezuela and the actions of the Venezuelan oligarchy and the attitude of many western governments and media with respect to this country, they are practically an insult to intelligence.  This political-informational bombardment has portrayed a country under dictatorship (although all the elections have had international observers who have recognized their impeccable character) at the level of the ill-famed countries of the "axis" of evil” (North Korea, Iran...). Meanwhile, all the antidemocratic strategies that have been fed into and sustained since the first steps of the Bolivarian process have been systematically hidden: economic sabotage, hoarding and concealing basic goods, armed actions of the Colombian paramilitary, attempted coups d'état, social and political destabilization.  But of course, all the political and media voices of the internal and external opposition are presented as champions of democracy.

The failed states of neoliberalism deserve some mention, countries of which little is spoken but where this system is provoking the greatest levels of economic and political failure, although it is costing higher indices of poverty, destitution and exploitation of the majority. Countries that are practically handed over to the transnationals for their exploitation (of natural resources) in exchange for nothing, where the State as regulator has disappeared, while neoliberalism and drug-trafficking, feminicide and organized delinquency are daily events, while their networks and complicity with the governments themselves continue to expand. Countries such as Mexico, Guatemala and Honduras head this list.

But at the same time that all this is happening in the continent, there is also good news that reinforces this spotlight on Latin America. Colombia is enjoying its first weeks of peace after an armed conflict of 52 years, with the exception of possible actions of the other insurgent force that is the ELN, and the paramilitaries, the latter now hidden under a multitude of acronyms and denominations, but always responding to the interest of maintaining the old system of domination of determined power groups. No doubt this process of peace has brought a new flood of hope to the country and we hope that it will become a period of construction of a system of true social justice and redistribution of wealth. We must not forget that it was precisely this unjust distribution of wealth, especially with reference to land-holding, that was one of the deep reasons for this long armed conflict. And in this sense we should remain alert to the development and implementation of the agreements. Neoliberalism also has a great interest in this peace and has pushed for its completion. Colombia has enormous wealth in natural resources (the majority in indigenous territories) that up to now could not be exploited because of the conditions of war; the peace will open all these spaces for plundering by transnationals keen to put their hands on their hidden wealth. It will therefore be important not only to implement the agreements, but also, and above all, to guarantee the individual and collective human rights which to date have been permanently violated.

For all these reasons, Latin America continues to be in the spotlight and in this continent the struggles continue --we hope they will be more dialectic and less violent-- to build alternatives to the dominant neoliberalism; more just and equitable societies where a true redistribution of wealth will be a reality to overcome the poverty and destitution still present among the majority.

06/09/2016

 (Translated for ALAI by Jordan Bishop)

- Jesús González Pazos, Member of Mugarik Gabe